Regime Change In the Yugoslav Successor States
Separate different tags with a comma. To include a comma in your tag, surround the tag with double quotes. Please enable cookies in your browser to get the full Trove experience. Skip to content Skip to search. Language English. Series Democratic transition and consolidation Democratic transition and consolidation. Self-determination, National -- Former Yugoslav republics. Post-communism -- Former Yugoslav republics.
Democracy -- Former Yugoslav republics.
The Time of Tito's Yugoslavia: Key Issues Between and
Former Yugoslav republics -- Politics and government. Former Yugoslav republics -- Foreign relations. Contents Introduction Explaining regime change in the Yugoslav successor states Post-communist diversity Characterizing regime type The development of disparity Simulated democracy : Croatia's transition in the s Simulated democracy : Slovenia's transition in the s Illegitimate democracy : Macedonia's transition in the s Populist authoritarianism : the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia's transition in the s The Yugoslav successor states in the new millenium Conclusions.
Notes Description based upon print version of record. Includes bibliographical references and index. Access Conditions Open Access. View online Borrow Buy Freely available Show 0 more links September Pop-Eleches G. Raik K. Roeder P. Roeder and Rothchild D. Is There a Trade-off between Deepening and Widening? What do Europeans Think? Snyder J. From Voting to Violence.
Stefanovic D. Also see Bieber Trends of the Democracy Scores, Nations in Transit. Keywords: Yugoslav successor states ; consolidated democracy ; constrained democracy ; post-Yugoslav democracy ; theories of democracy. Restricted Access. Add to Cart. Have an Access Token?
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Enter your access token to activate and access content online. Please login and go to your personal user account to enter your access token. Have Institutional Access? Forgot your password? Get Permissions. Export References. Export value is barely half of imports, and international debts are four times the amount of hard currency reserves. No lifting of the outer wall of financial sanctions against the regime of Slobodan Milosevic is in sight.
In the absence of a flexible exchange rate, continuing inflation is making local currency, the Serbian dinar, scarce. In short, a transition crisis impends without a transition. Manufactured goods are produced at only a small fraction of their value and with less than one-third of the labor force. Agricultural production has been less affected, but its concentration in the Vojvodina adds momentum to that region's growing demands for some political autonomy.
Serb refugees from Croatia and Bosnia have crowded into the Vojvodina, adding to the region's rationale for retaining more income. Serbian industry still retains considerable capacity for textile, timber, and other light manufacturing. Working capital from Croatia and Slovenia reportedly is seeking to find ways into such credit-starved facilities. Macedonia Although its growth rate of 6 percent for GDP in matched Croatia's, the Macedonian economy falls far short of finding itself in a postwar boom.
West European economies grew at 20 percent per year during the heyday of the Marshall Plan. Non-agricultural unemployment surely exceeds 20 percent, although the registered figure in 17 percent. The denar has been overvalued, as with Slovenia and Croatia. Financial stability is the gain and a handicapped trade balance exports overpriced and imports underpriced the loss. Illegal business remains a problem here as well, although less so since Greece lifted its embargo and Bulgaria's new government is determined to squeeze its own smugglers hard.
The flow of legal foreign investment that was supposed to be the reward for financial stability and a high exchange rate has not yet materialized, as it also failed to do in the s. Macedonia's best bets for foreign investment seem to be the new interest from Greece in the short-run and Western investment of the sort that SECI-encouraged regional integration promises in the long run.
Bosnia-Herzegovina Bosnia's recovery from the worst war damage suffered by any of the warring successor states appears impressive, at least in the Croat-Bosniak Federation. Industrial production rose by 87 percent in barely 10 percent of the level but still enough to cut non-agricultural unemployment by one-third to 44 percent.
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The Republika Srpska RS did not do nearly as well, with industrial production rising 58 percent from a still lower base to reach 8 percent of the prewar level. Net wages averaging 61 Deutsche marks per month were only one-third of the level of the Federation.
Unemployment remained at over 60 percent officially and higher unofficially. The growing gap between the RS and the Federation entities makes an impression on the growing number of Serbs who now venture into Sarajevo, Tuzla, and other towns on the Bosniak side. So too does the gap between the great bulk of the population and the small cadre of police and other officials around the Centrex and Selekt-Impex enterprises in the RS.
Selekt-Impex receives DM per month from the network maintained by Radovan Karadzic and a dozen associates to make themselves millionaires. Sarajevo's Bosnian government must be credited with at least trying to stop those on its side of the border from participating in the notorious traffic in alcohol, cigarettes, and gasoline that enriched the Karadzic network.